Essay on child labour in india
Essay on Child Labour in India Article shared by In this laour you will learn about Child Labour in India.
After reading this essay you will learn about: The Paradox of Child Labour in India 2. The Negotiation of Childhood. The Paradox of Child Labour in India: Irrespective of what children do and what they think of what they do, modern society sets children apart ideologically as a category of people excluded from the production of value. The dissociation of childhood from the performance of valued work is considered a yardstick of modernity, and a high incidence of child labour is considered a sign of underdevelopment.
- The Action Plan outlined the Legislative Action Plan for strict enforcement of Child Labor Act and other labor laws to ensure that children are not employed in hazardous employments, and that the working conditions of children working in non-hazardous areas are regulated in accordance with the provisions of the Child Labor Act.
- They hate their childhood and would do anything to get out of the dungeons of being children and controlled and tortured by others.
- This way, the children are able to get some income and something to eat, while still being able to learn.
This denial of their capacity to legitimately act upon their environment by undertaking valuable work makes children altogether labouur upon entitlements guaranteed by the state. Here, discussion is how anthropologists have criticized the simplistic views essay child labour espoused by western development experts. The recent concern with child labour draws on a shared understanding among development experts of how, from the mid-nineteenth century onward, western industrial society began to eliminate through legislation the exploitation of children.
However, historians still debate more deep-seated reasons for the nineteenth-century outcry in Western Europe and the United States against child labour, which is probably as old as childhood itself. For instance, Nardinelii has questioned the assumption that this outcry was inspired, as some authors have argued, by the brutal treatment of children working in factories.
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Besides humanitarian reasons, Nardinelii argued that there was a desire to protect initiatives to mechanize the textile industry from the uncontrolled competition of a labour force composed almost entirely of children. Another equally important reason was the fear of chilx instability created by a youthful working class not to be disciplined by the army, schools, or the church. While some believe compulsory education was the single most important instrument leading to the elimination of child labour, others have argued that changes in the perceived roles of children and the increase in family income, played a more decisive role.
Progressive state legislation has marked the major steps of child labour abolition in the West. However, while such legislation defined child labour as waged work undertaken by a child under a certain age, it also established the borderline between morally desirable and pedagogically sensible activities on the one hand, and the exploitation of children on the other.
While condemning the relatively uncommon forms of waged labour as exploitation, it sanctioned a broad spectrum of other activities, including housekeeping, child minding, helping adults for no pay on family farms and in small shops, domestic service, street selling, running errands, delivering newspapers, seasonal work on farms, working as trainees in on national hero india, etc. In contrast with child labour, these activities were lauded for their socializing and training aspects.
Many countries in the world have now either ratified or adopted modified versions of child labour legislation prepared and propagated by the International Labour Organization ILO ILO The implications are far-reaching. Legislation links child labour quite arbitrarily to work in the factory and excludes a wide range of non-factory work. It therefore sanctifies unpaid work in the home or under parental supervision, regardless of its implications for the child. In the words of an ILO -report: We have no problem with the little girl who helps her mother with the housework or cooking, or the boy or girl who does unpaid work in a small family business.
Many of the odd jobs mentioned here, as in the case of helping on the family farm or in shops and hotels, though strictly not prohibited, are felt by both children and the public at large to be exploitative. Legislation also selects chronological age as the universal measure of biological and psychological maturity, and it rejects cultural and social meanings attached to local systems of age ranking La Fontaine The denial of gainful employment is the more paradoxical in that the family and the state often fail to provide children with what they need to lead a normal life.
These are some of the reasons why the industrial countries, despite much lip service to the contrary, have not succeeded in eliminating all forms of child work. Most colonial administrations passed factory acts excluding children under 14 from the premises soon after they had been passed at home.
However, these laws carried only symbolic value. The colonies were merely seen as sources of cheap raw materials and semi-manufactured goods produced by rural villagers, while the factory system of production was energetically discouraged. No may explain why essxy the West social activists expressed outrage about child labour at home, while anthropologists romanticized the work of rural children in the colonies as a form of socialization well adapted to the economic and social level of pre-industrial society.
Engrossed with the intricacies of age ranking and passage rites, anthropologists seldom hinted at what this meant in terms of work and services required by elders from youngsters. The high premium put on the solidarity of the extended family as the corner-stone ob pre-capitalist society overshadowed the possibility of exploitation occurring within the family or the village. Large-scale foreign-funded research programmes were introduced in high-fertility countries to induce poor couples to control births.
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However, resistance to birth control was unexpectedly staunch. By the mids, research began to provide clues that the poor desired a large family because children represented an important source of free labour. During the s, anthropologists carried out extensive and painstaking time-allocation and family-budget studies to show that even young children were contributing to their own sustenance by undertaking a whole range of activities in the subsistence sphere of the peasant economy.
Research on intra-household relations also questioned the concept of the household as an unproblematic unit, highlighting the outspoken inequality that exists not only between males and females but between seniors and juniors. Similar views are expressed in the documents produced by international charities devoted to the welfare of children such as the International Catholic Bureau, Save the Children, Defence of Children International, Anti-Slavery International.
Their merit in essentially in having staked out child labour as a new and legitimate field of global political and academic esszy. The emerging picture is one of conceptual confusion, in which ill-grasped notions from diverse analytical fields are indiscriminately used. As a global solution to eliminate child labour, development experts are now proposing a standard based on the sanctity of the nuclear family on the one hand and the school on the other as the only legitimate spaces for growing up.
If this becomes a universal standard, there is a danger of negating the worth of often precious mechanisms for survival, and penalizing or even criminalizing the ways the poor bring up their children. This criminalization is made more malevolent as modern economies increasingly display their unwillingness to protect poor children from the adverse effects of neoliberal trade policies. However, in-depth studies of their work remain few lagour have been inspired, as I have argued, by a critical concern with the neoclassical approach to the value of children.
One of the leading themes of economic anthropology has been the conceptualization of work and its cultural meanings. The growing numbers of publications on child labour in the developing world have invoked renewed interest in the family context of work. Rather than a widespread form of essau, child employment is mostly limited by the free-labour requirement of families that is satisfied by giving children unremunerated and lowly valued tasks.
Despite more than million children in the age bracket 5 to 15 living in abject poverty in India, for example, a mere 16 million are employed, the vast majority of whom are teenagers who work in agriculture. About 10 per cent are employed by industries, largely producing substandard if not inferior products for the local market.
There is more and more evidence that poor children who are not indiw perform crucial work, often in the domestic arena, in subsistence agriculture, and in the urban informal sector. Theories explaining underdevelopment in terms of the persistence of pre-capitalist labour relations provide some clues about why these children are not employed. The crucial aspect of underdevelopment in these theories is the unequal exchange realized in the market between goods produced in capitalist firms, where labour is valued according to its exchange value, and goods produced by the peasantry and the urban informal sector, where the use value of labour predominates.
The latter group is paid only a fraction of its real cost because households are able to survive by pooling incomes from a variety of sources, undertaking subsistence activities and using the work of women and children to save on the costs of reproduction. The reasons children are more likely than adults to be allotted unpaid work in agriculture chilv the household can be gauged by the work of feminist researchers that highlights how ideologies of gender and age interact to constrain, in particular, girls to perform unpaid domestic work.
The ideology of gender permits the persistence of an unequal system in which women are excluded from crucial economic and political activities and their positions of wives and mothers are associated with a lower status than men. Girls are trained early to accept and internalize the feminine ideals of devotion to the family. Inferiority is not only attached to the nature of the work but to the person who performs it as well. Poor children are not perceived as workers because what they do is submerged in the low status realm of the domestic.
For the parent-employer, this is a source of status and prestige. The widespread African practice of fostering the children of poorer pseudo- relatives is just one example pabour the intricate way family loyalty and socialization practices combine to shape how poor children are put to work. Although the object of much negative publicity, the practice is seen by parents as a useful form of training, a source of security, and a way of cutting household cild.
Old crafts such as carpet weaving, embroidery, silk reeling, artisanal fishing, and metal work lend themselves to protracted periods of apprenticeship in which a child is made to accept long hours of work and low pay in the hope of becoming master. While often exacting, children may experience apprenticeship or labohr in another household as valuable, particularly if it helps them learn a trade or visit a school.
There is a persistent belief, which finds its origins in the neoclassical approach, that schooling is the best antidote to child labour. Insecurity about the value of diplomas and marriage strategies is among the reasons girls in Lagos, Nigeria, spend much out-of-school time acquiring chkld skills. In Kerala, India, where attending school is mandatory, children spend much time earning cash for books, clothes, and food. Around the world children undertake all kinds of odd jobs, not only to help their families but to defray the fast-rising costs of schooling, be it for themselves or for a younger sibling.
However, children may also simply dislike school and prefer to work and earn cash instead. Although to some extent schools and work can coexist as separate arenas of childhood, schooling is changing the world orientation of both children and parents. Among the most critical effects is the lowering of birth rates, which has been explained by the non-availability of girls for child care.
Here, discussion is how anthropologists have criticized the simplistic views of child labour espoused by western development experts. It is a day when we in India consider ways to promote insia rights of children. Though eradicating the menace seems like a difficult and nearly impossible task, immense efforts have to be made in this direction. It is characterized by a large number of low-paying jobs, lack of prospects for promotion, personalized relationship between management xhild subordinates, instability and high turnover. There are innumerable workshops and factories that have cramped up rooms where children work, eat and sleep. Large-scale foreign-funded research programmes were introduced in high-fertility countries to induce poor couples to control births. Thinking about India we see that it ranks the second in the world essay on child labour in india the number of working children. The recent concern with child labour draws on a shared understanding among development experts of how, from the mid-nineteenth century onward, western industrial society began to eliminate through legislation the exploitation of children.
The traditional flow of wealth from juniors to seniors is thus reversed. Perhaps of greater importance, schooling—despite the heavy sacrifices it may demand—provides children with a space in which they can identify with ewsay parameters of modern childhood. It makes possible negotiations with elders for better clothes and food; time for school, homework, and recreation; and often payment for domestic labkur. The proponents of compulsory education have also argued that literate youngsters are likely to be more productive later in life than uneducated ones, who may have damaged their health by early entrance into the labour market.
For Purdyschooling reinforces the useful learning imparted by parents at home and may, for some children, be the only useful form of learning. Schools are also said to have a negative impact. Competition in the classroom helps breed a sense of inferiority and personal failure in poor children, turning their work assignments into a source of shame. The high costs exsay schooling, including the need to look respectable in dress and appearance, incites poor children to engage in remunerative work, which contradicts the belief that compulsory education would work as an antidote to child labour.
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In the past few years, non-governmental organizations NGOs concerned with children have been encouraged to develop low-cost solutions to address the problem of child labour. The solutions are based on a combination of work and school and recognize the need of poor children to contribute to their own upkeep. The approach has gained support within the ILO, the essay that until recently was the most staunch defender of prohibition by legislation. Anthropology has sought to explain the apparent inability of the market to avail itself more fully of the vast reservoir of cheap chjld labour by pointing out that the free-labour requirements of poor families are satisfied by giving children lowly chid tasks.
The Negotiation of Childhood: Irrespective of what they do and what they think about what they do, the mere fact of their being children sets children ideologically apart as a category of people excluded from the production of value. The dissociation of childhood from the performance of valued work has been increasingly considered a yardstick of modernity. International agencies and highly industrialized countries now turn this yardstick into a tool to condemn as backward and undemocratic those countries with a high incidence of child labour Bureau of International Affairs, US Department of Labor The view that childhood precludes an association with monetary gain is an ideal of modern industrial society.
Historians highlight the bourgeois origins of this ideal and question its avowed universal validity not only across cultures but across distinctions of gender, ethnicity, and class. The exposure of child abuse in the western media during the s and s has, in this line, been explained as a display of excessive anxiety sparked by the inda fragility of personal relationships in late-modern society that cannot but also affect childhood.
Late- modern experiences of childhood suggest that the basic source of trust in society lies in the child. This sanctity, however, is essentially symbolic and is contradicted by actual social and indka policies, as borne out by the harshness with which structural adjustment programmes have hit poor children in developing countries and caused a marked increase in child mortality, morbidity, illiteracy, and labour. The need to direct children into these activities is linked to a system of parental authority and family discipline that was instrumental in preserving established bourgeois social order.
The price of maintaining this order is high, because it requires, among other commitments, money to support the institutions at the basis of the childhood ideal, such as free education, cheap housing, free health care, sports and recreation facilities and family welfare and support services.
Developing economies will unlikely be able to generate in the near future the social surplus that the maintenance of these institutions requires. As the neoliberal critique of the welfare state gains popularity, wealthy economies also become reluctant to continue shouldering childhood institutions. Working children find themselves clashing with the childhood ideology that places a higher value on the performance of economically useless work. Although working for pay offers opportunities for self-respect, it also entails sacrificing childhood, which exposes children to the negative stereotyping attached to the loss of innocence this sacrifice is supposed to cause.
Rethinking the paradoxical relation between neoliberal and global childhood ideology is one of the most promising areas for research. Research should especially seek to uncover how the need of poor children to realize self-esteem through paid work essy upon the moral condemnation of child labour as one of the fundamental esasy of modernity In stark contrast with what infia in the nineteenth-century West, the future may very well see employers, parents, children, and the state disputing the legitimacy of this moral condemnation. The ways children devise to create and negotiate the value of their work and how they invade structures of constraint based on seniority are other promising areas of future anthropological research.